Jubilation about the democratic ouster of Yugoslavian dictator Slobodan Milosevic is welcomed by all interested in the democratization of what is left of Yugoslavia. Unfortunately, this euphoria may be premature. The success of real elections, demonstrations and the unwillingness of the Yugoslavian army to shoot at the masses are important steps in the right direction. But this does not solve the problem of why Yugoslavia fell apart to begin with, nor does it address the reasons for NATO intervention. Lifting the embargo and pulling out troops may sound appealing, but it may not be the right course of action.
The destruction of Yugoslavia did not happen because Croats, Slovenes, Bosnian Muslims, Albanians, or Macedonians were hostile to a united Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia did not have a minority problem, it had a MAJORITY problem. The rise of ethnic Serbian nationalism, which resulted in Serbia’s seizure of one-third of Croatia, all of Bosnia-Herzegovina and all of Kosovo, and the mass deportation or slaughter of non-Serbians is why the republics left the Yugoslavian Union.
It was not traditional ethnic hatred, but rather a neo-Fascist Serbian nationalism that attempted to rewrite history and create an enlarged, ethnically pure Serbia. While Milosevic led this movement, he was not alone. Years before the Yugoslavian wars, ethnic Serbs demonstrated against Milosevic’s secret police and brutal policies. Serbs wanted communist rule and tyrannical leadership ended. But when Milosevic shifted to radical Serbianism, these same demonstrators flocked around him.
The same Serbs and newly elected leaders, like Yugoslavian President Vojislav Kostunica, were staunch supporters of the ethnic cleansing of Croatian, Bosnian and Kosovan lands. Kostunica has not condemned radical Serbian nationalism, but rather condemned Milosevic for selling out Serbian interests to save his neck and for leading Serbia down a ruinous economic and political path after NATO’s bombing. Kostunica and his Serbian allies have not handed Milosevic and other war criminals to the world court for trial or discussed reinstating the Kosova Autonomy for Albanians. Just because Serbs have rewritten the history of Kosovo, Bosnia and elsewhere to suit their nationalist designs is no reason for anyone to believe these revisions.
Unfortunately, Europe and the United States, in their desire to leave Yugoslavia, may play into Serbian nationalist hands. Will we let war criminals off the proverbial hook for expediency? Will we give Kosovo and Serb-held territories in Bosnia to Serbian radicals and declare them democracies just to exit with grace? One would hope not.
How tragic to set a precedent that if one votes democratically to deny human rights to ethnic, religious, or social minorities, that it is OK, because it was done at a ballot box rather than on a battlefield. Will we now chastise Albanians and Bosnians for demanding their rights from Serbian thugs because our demon, Milosevic, is no longer there, but a democratically elected nationalist is?
We need to wait and see what the new Yugoslavia will be before we jump for joy. If Kostunica and the new Yugoslavian Parliament apologize to ethnic minorities for the harm inflicted upon them, if they immediately vote to reinstate the Kosova Autonomy and the rights of its inhabitants, and if they hand over the criminals, then we can feel euphoria for the triumph of real democracy.
Ronald Wixman is a professor of geography at the University and a consultant to the U.S. State Department on Balkan politics.
