It is fitting in some ways that the land of pharaohs has perhaps finally rid itself of its last king. Egypt, the birthplace of one of the most ancient civilizations on Earth, may have turned the page to the final chapter of our history.           
In 1992, Francis Fukuyama published a book titled “The End of History and the Last Man.” The central thesis of Fukuyama’s book is that Western-style liberal democracy, along with free markets, represents the culmination of humanity’s political and social development. Fukuyama believes that the appeal of Western democracy would result in “the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.” It isn’t the end of history itself, but the end of history as we know it.
Critics of Fukuyama have been in no short supply.
It is at some level an ethnocentric view. Of course a scholar from the western world would promote the idea that our style of government is supreme. The nations of our world have been ruled by authoritarian regimes for the largest period of our history. Intuition would lead one to believe that liberal democracy is a temporary blip on the continuum of political evolution. I imagine the kings of yesterday wouldn’t have believed that a majority of the countries in the world would be ruled by the masses in the future, so it might be foolish to ever say humanity has reached the pinnacle of anything, because no one can ever predict what will come next.
And yet so far, Fukuyama’s prediction appears to be on course. In 2003, a study by Freedom House found that there were 119 liberal democracies with universal suffrage. 16 nations were deemed to have “restricted democratic practices.” Egypt was most likely included in the sixteen.
Only time will tell if Egypt will become truly democratic.
On Sunday, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Egypt, now the de-facto rulers, dissolved parliament and suspended the constitution. At a first glance this might seem counterintuitive to the creation of a democracy. And there certainly is the potential for the military to seize control. Military police clashed with hundreds of protestors still present at Tahrir Square, where the popular uprising first began. The military’s message was clear: “We are here to create order.”
And yet for those cynics who might view Egypt as returning to an authoritative regime, give it six months. That is when the Council said it would relinquish its power, or until “(parliamentary) and presidential elections are held.” There is no timetable set for the proposed elections, but many Egyptians found comfort in the Council’s message.
Egyptian politician Ayman Nour claimed it was “a victory for the revolution,” adding “I think this will satisfy the protestors.” The dissolving of parliament signals a shift in the ruling class of Egypt, and the promise of free elections to select new leadership appears likely. After the massive uprisings by the Egyptian people against President Hosni Mubarak, it is difficult to believe they would simply allow the military to set up another authoritarian regime.
Egypt’s proximity to what Fukuyama believes is the last remaining antagonist to liberal democracy, Islamic Fundamentalism, also makes it an important case. Many believe that the uprisings in Egypt could spill throughout the Middle East, resulting in a massive political and ideological shift. Iran, the quintessential example of Islamic Fundamentalism, has no doubt been watching the events unfold in Egypt closely. It would be too bold to think that the people of Iran will overthrow their government anytime soon, but you can bet that a seed has been planted in the people’s minds. The mere presence of possibility can often lead to action once deemed impossible.
No one can ever know what tomorrow will bring. Scholars will hypothesize, politicians will debate, and yet it is the everyday person who shapes the course of the future. Most Egyptians wouldn’t have believed the events of the past month would have unfolded at all, much less as rapidly as they have. And Egypt has shown the world that people have a fundamental desire for democratic rule, and they have shown how it can be achieved.
Fukuyama’s book is not about the end of violent conflict or culture as a driving force of society. Rather it is a belief that Western liberal democracy represents the apex of humanity’s political development and is thus the ultimate goal for all peoples of the world. Egypt itself acts as a lens through which we can view Fukuyama’s thesis. A nation whose landmarks are testaments to authoritarian regimes, whose history is inseparable from the pharaohs and where “the lone and level sands stretch far away,” is now on the cusp of becoming a full-blown democracy.
The events in Egypt might not represent the end of history, but they have at the very least have accelerated it. Whether or not this is the final chapter, Egypt has certainly turned the page.
And there could not have been a more fitting place for it to happen.
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